{"id":226772,"date":"2021-04-14T20:03:25","date_gmt":"2021-04-14T17:03:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/en.buradabiliyorum.com\/emmanuel-macron-lena-and-the-old-weird-france\/"},"modified":"2021-04-14T20:03:25","modified_gmt":"2021-04-14T17:03:25","slug":"emmanuel-macron-lena-and-the-old-weird-france","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/buradabiliyorum.com\/en\/emmanuel-macron-lena-and-the-old-weird-france\/","title":{"rendered":"#Emmanuel Macron, l’ENA, and the old weird France"},"content":{"rendered":"

“#Emmanuel Macron, l’ENA, and the old weird France<\/strong>”<\/p>\n

\n We haven\u2019t updated you on French President Emmanuel Macron in a while. It\u2019s not going great. The next presidential election is a year away and polls suggest Macron could lose<\/a> to Marine Le Pen, leader of the populist Ralliement National, the successor to her father Jean-Marie Le Pen\u2019s Front National. The older Le Pen made it to the second round of presidential elections in 2002, the younger in 2017. Each time respectable opinion told French voters they must vote against Le Pen to save the Republic; both times voters did as they were told. The second time the result was Macron\u2019s presidency. He can\u2019t be sure it will work again. He\u2019d become France\u2019s third consecutive one-term president. His successor would open a can of worms. A belated sequel to Trump and Brexit.<\/p>\n

Macron needs to get his mojo back. His choice of project is surprising. Last week he announced the closure of France\u2019s \u00c9cole nationale d\u2019administration<\/em>, or ENA<\/a>. It\u2019s a graduate school for the bright young men and women who will form the senior ranks of France\u2019s public service. Four of its graduates have become president. Nine have been prime minister. Countless others run government departments, city halls, banks, retail giants, museums. Because \u00e9narques<\/em>\u00a0(as ENA alumni are called) are so superbly adaptable\u2014super-general<\/a>ists, the Swiss army knives of the country\u2019s management app<\/a>aratus\u2014they tend to flit from one job to another, with little apparent connection between positions except that each is the sort of job an \u00e9narque<\/em> would have.<\/p>\n

L\u2019ENA is also the school Macron attended. The school that made his presidency possible, certainly the only<\/em> thing that made his presidency possible. There\u2019s drama in this assault on what made him. Something almost oedipal. It\u2019s like when Ralph Klein had the Alberta hospital where he was born demolished<\/a>. It\u2019s as if Justin Trudeau had closed McGill University, or some ski lodge at Whistler, or whatever made him what he is today. Twenty-four Sussex? Actually, come to think of it, he has<\/em> closed 24 Sussex. Hey, wait a minute\u2026<\/em><\/p>\n

But I digress. To an outsider, it\u2019s hardly obvious why a stalled politician would close a fancy school. The answer hardly seems to match the question. The explanation lies in the distinctive place l\u2019ENA occupies in the French cultural myth. As for why Macron would be the guy who\u2019d decide to pull the trigger\u2026 well, therein lies a tale. For one thing, his reform project goes back quite literally to the day Macron graduated from the school 17 years ago.<\/p>\n

This will take some telling. I\u2019ve met a number of \u00e9narques<\/em>. The school admits foreign students, so the odd Canadian gets in and graduates. French graduates sometimes find themselves posted to the stately French embassy on Sussex Drive, next door to 24. The current ambassador, Kareen Rispal, just won a prize<\/a> for alumnae who dedicate themselves to advancing women\u2019s rights. \u00c9narques<\/em> are, with no exception that I\u2019ve met, cool, eloquent, poised in complex situations. Absolutely superb talkers, but not pushy. They know they\u2019ll get their chance to shine. They always have. I once got invited to speak to alumni of the ENA and one of its main feeder schools, the Institut d\u2019Etudes politiques de Paris<\/em>, which I attended for a year on a lark ages ago. I\u2019ve rarely been so nervous before a speaking gig.<\/p>\n

To get into l\u2019ENA, you have to pass a tough battery of written and oral exams on law, economics, public finances, current events, the European Union and more. Students typically study for a year at a prominent university simply to prepare for the exams. If you fail you\u2019re free to try again the following year, but there is no other recourse or appeal. French higher education is bracingly unsentimental. One of Nicolas Sarkozy\u2019s speechwriters famously failed the entry exam three times as a young man and has carried an epic grudge against the place ever since.<\/p>\n

Students spend two school years at the school, divided between courses in Paris, courses at the seat of the European Parliament in Strasbourg, and work terms in government departments. At the end, another brutal round of exams. If you finish in the top 15 of a class of 100-odd, you get to pick your spot in the most prestigious departments in government. Finish much lower and you may wonder whether l\u2019ENA was worth the trouble.<\/p>\n

The point of it all is that social<\/a> connections are no help. You can\u2019t survive all these tough exams because you come from the right family or you have the right accent. L\u2019ENA was founded in 1945 as France crawled from the rubble of occupation and liberation. The old French civil service was like old bureaucracies everywhere: file clerks, stenographers and power brokers who landed jobs for life because they knew someone or had a cousin return a favour. A prewar minister of education, Jean Zay, came up with plans for a school to replace all this cronyism and inertia with something more merit-based. An elite public-service corps, chosen by merit and trained with care. But after the Nazi invasion Zay was arrested by the collaborationist Vichy regime for resisting the occupation and for being a Jew. In 1944 he was murdered by the Nazi-collaborating militia. Soon after France\u2019s liberation Charles de Gaulle put Maurice Thorez, the former French Communist Party leader who\u2019d become the minister for the public service, in charge of implementing Zay\u2019s plan.<\/p>\n

Within a decade the \u00e9narques<\/em> were key to a highly-planned postwar economy. By the \u201960s there were signs of resentment. For all its egalitarian inspiration, the school had a knack for collecting and promoting cohorts that looked a lot like the same old hereditary leadership class. In France as anywhere else, money buys tutors, quiet study time, and connections that shape your life before the entrance exam even if they don\u2019t play a direct role after. That sense of resentment, of a reform that had entrenched privilege instead of erasing it, deepened over time.<\/p>\n

Each graduating class at l\u2019ENA holds a party early on to select a name for their promotion<\/em>, or graduating class. It\u2019s an emblem of the solidarity that comes from shared stress. The class of 1949 was the Promotion Nations unies, after the United Nations. Later classes named themselves after writers (Tocqueville, Proust) or politicians (de Gaulle, the \u201970s West German Chancellor Willy Brandt). Some promotions<\/em> achieve legendary status. The promotion Voltaire<\/em>, class of 1980, was legendary: it produced a president, Fran\u00e7ois Hollande; a presidential candidate, Hollande\u2019s longtime partner S\u00e9gol\u00e8ne Royal; and a prime minister, Dominique de Villepin.<\/p>\n

But then along came Macron, who arrived in 2002 and graduated in 2004. There were already magazine articles about Macron\u2019s class at l\u2019ENA before anyone suspected he would be a presidential candidate. The charming kid from the northern city of Amiens didn\u2019t particularly stand out in a class of rapid climbers who moved into key posts in government and business soon after they graduated in 2004. Here\u2019s the piece in French Vanity Fair<\/em><\/a> from 2014. Twenty members of the class of 2004 were already chiefs of staff or senior advisors to government ministers, it says. Others ran insurance companies or worked at the United Nations. \u201cTheir names aren\u2019t known to the general public but they constitute what must be considered a rising power network. And there\u2019s no reason to think they\u2019ll stop there, when it\u2019s all going so well.\u201d Much of the material for this article comes from Les Jeunes Gens<\/em>, a book<\/a> that the Vanity Fair<\/em> article\u2019s author, Mathieu Larnaudie, published after Macron\u2019s 2017 election.<\/p>\n

From their first days at l\u2019ENA, the class of 2004 had a sense of themselves as a unique group, blessed\u2014and tested\u2014by their good fortune. Things were happening.<\/p>\n

On April 21, 2002, Jean-Marie Le Pen had been one of two winners in the first round<\/a> of the country\u2019s presidential election. He soon lost big to Jacques Chirac in the run-off, but the unprecedented breakthrough by a far-right populist seemed an unprecedented challenge to France\u2019s Republican values. This was also the first class at l\u2019ENA after Chirac abolished compulsory military service for young French men. A double cohort, comprising returning conscripts and men who\u2019d never have to serve, swelled the class\u2019s ranks (134 French students aiming for choice spots in the civil service, plus 51 international students) and made it more lopsidedly male than usual.<\/p>\n

Finally, on Valentine\u2019s Day 2003, France\u2019s foreign minister, Dominique de Villepin (ENA 1980, promotion Voltaire<\/em>) gave his speech at the United Nations<\/a> opposing the Bush administration\u2019s plans for war in Iraq. Here was France carving its own path, standing against the tide, putting Anglo-Saxon noses out of joint.<\/p>\n

All these events seemed to pose questions to the young classmates: what\u2019s France for in the world? What\u2019s the nature of public service? Who owes what to whom in this world? The questions were all the more pressing because, looking around, it was pretty obvious to the bright young kids that many of them were born lucky and that the hard work had come later. One was the grandson of a legendary cabinet minister. Most came from prominent families. Their school was France\u2019s highest-pressure meritocracy, but it wasn\u2019t only that.<\/p>\n

The class gave a hint that it might have a rebel streak when it came time to name itself. On a long, boozy night, a few surprising names for the promotion were proposed. One was \u201cLes H\u00e9ritiers,\u201d after a 1964 book<\/a> that described how France\u2019s higher education system reinforced privilege instead of\u00a0 opportunity. The group finally decided their class would be known forever as the promotion<\/em> L\u00e9opold Sedar Senghor<\/em>, after a Senegalese poet who, educated in Paris and elected to the prestigious Acad\u00e9mie Fran\u00e7aise, became Senegal\u2019s first democratically elected president<\/a>.<\/p>\n

But that gesture was nothing compared to the coup de th\u00e9\u00e2tre<\/em> the class of 2004 pulled off on the last day of school. Here was the moment when students would learn how they scored on the exams and the top 20 would have their pick of civil-service jobs. The highest-scoring student in the class\u2014the major<\/em>, in the lingo\u2014was Marguerite B\u00e9rard<\/a>, daughter of an \u00e9narque<\/em> and another \u00e9narque<\/em>, living with a classmate she would later marry, on her way to jobs as senior advisor to Sarkozy and then as a bank president. She accepted a handshake from the director of l\u2019ENA and then handed him a 20-page manifesto, ENA: The Urgent Need for Reform<\/em>, signed by 132 of the class\u2019s 134 students. Emmanuel Macron, 6th in his class, was one of the signatories.<\/p>\n

The surprise was complete. The school\u2019s leadership was humiliated. The students all received letters from a French cabinet minister berating them for their cheek. They also received the jobs they wanted and the future the ENA had been built to deliver. But 17 years later, the most relentless and seductive and unstoppable member of the promotion Senghor<\/em> is implementing the reform they called for on the day when it seemed they really could write their own future.<\/p>\n

Will it make a difference? It\u2019s hard to say. Macron has already announced that ENA will be replaced with a new Institute for Public Service<\/a>, with more entry paths than the single round of brutal exams, but with the same exit ranking as the old school. Instead of going to central coordinating agencies of government, the new school\u2019s top grads will have to get out into the country and work in departments that actually deliver services to citizens. My hunch is that to the great majority of French citizens, it\u2019ll be a distinction without a difference: a factory for producing a leadership class that, after it finishes its stint on the ground, will go on to run everything else.<\/p>\n

The option of replacing ENA with nothing<\/em>\u2014leaving France without a dominant dedicated public-service school, an absence that would make it more like Canada and a lot of other countries\u2014seems not to have occurred to Macron. Old habits die hard, even in people who think they\u2019re dedicated to change. I do hope Macron, or some other politician who shares a certain idea of France, beats the latest Le Pen next year. For all its quirks, indeed in most cases because of them, it\u2019s still a great country.
\n<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n